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On a labor faker's trail: the shady record of Frank Farrington, Chicago, Pub. by Workers Party of America, Dist. no. 8 [1924] OCLC My Library's Holdings Information ation Wright, Jonathan 64 SATvia TEXpress/AlkekLibrary/lnterlibrary Loan/Texas State University-San Marcos/601 University Drive/San Marcos, TX 78666 ._jp ♦-V* „,., ; ...,; same Ship V*<~: Library Mail E!ih_L, :.'(L Qft.s\, £., laximum { r->t: IFM- 50.00 Odyssey- 147.26.1 10. 59/ILL i-'r '"* None Q 7 ?? 6 ... ■-,. 512-245-3002/Ariel 147.26.108.32 ion-owing i-ictc;s: Lending Information http://firstsearch.oclc.org/WebZ/FSPage?pagename=sagefullrecord:pagetype=print:entityp... 8/26/2010 On a Labor Faker *s Trail The Siiady Record of Frank Farrlngtom By T. J. O'FLAMERTY Price 5 Cents Published by WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA District No. 8 16© W. Washington St., Room 303 Chicago, Illinois o'«!f§Rate> 125 THE FOLLOWING IS THE PROGRESSIVE SLATE FOR INTERNATIONAL OFFICERS FOR INTERNATIONAL PRESIDENT GEORGE VOYZEY, Verona, Illinois FOR INTERNATIONAL VICE PRESIDENT ARLEY STAPLES, Christopher, Illinois FOR INTERNATIONAL SECRETARY TREASURER JOE NEARING, Nova Scotia, Canada THE FOLLOWING IS THE PROGRESSIVE SLATE FOR OFFICERS OF DISTRICT NO. 12 U. M. W. of A. I INTERNATIONAL BOARD MEMBER THOS. F. SCOTT, Eldorado, 111., L. U. No. 1865 FOR PRESIDENT JOHN W. HINDMARSH, Riverton, 111., L. U. No. 754 FOR VICE PRESIDENT E. B. HEWLETT, Orient, 111., L. U. No. 303 FOR SECRETARY TREASURER LOUIS J. CONTURIUX, West Frankfort, 111., L. U. No. 303 FOR ARBITRATOR WILLIAM E. WALL, Divemon, 111., L. U. No. 146 This is not the one eared (Bill Wall) who has been on the Farrington pay roll for years and who is running for legal investigator from the Peoria district. FOR SPECIAL ACCOUNTANTS DAN McGILL, Springfield, 111., L. U. No. 731 JOE ANGELO, Springfield, III., L. U. No. 413 FOR LEGISLATIVE .COMMITTEEMEN OSCAR DUNNIGAN, Springfield, 111., L. U. No. 349S TONY SCHRAGEL, Johnson City, III. FOR AUDITORS DICK SWIFT, Valier, 111., L. U. No. 3613 WILLIAM McAULAY, Springfield, 111., L. U. No. 448 JOHN GARTSHORE, Virden, 111. FOR ALTERNATE AUDITORS ANDY YOUNG, O'Fallon, 111., L. U. No. 705 CHARLES R. HARRIS, Herrin, III., L. U. No. 1000 ON A LABOR FAKER'S TRAIL VETERAN member of the Illinois Miners TTr,;™ „ formed the writer that "all the coal Cnl Fa^^r dug would not keep a gas heater from freezing to death » The speaker may have used poetic license in order to em- phasize that Famngton's relations with the miners of I1H nois have mostly been as a bleeder of union funds and a willing ally of the coal operators in extracting as much profit as he possibly could out of the bone and sinew of the coal diggers, but it is true that his life as a coal digger was very short Frank Farrington is today president of the biggest sin^p h,w + in the United Mine Workers of America. As such he wK. I able power, which, unfortunately he uses for his own Ztl c , on * lder -. tage rather than in the interests of tfe miners who IZlTf ^T rise to wealth and affluence. h ° enabled him to Under Farrington's leadership the condition of rh*> Tin™; have gone from bad to worse until today whetLr the U IZ - """^ live his wrecking regime is a question that gives riJtn Jf C £ n °f " among the progressive elements who are trvW tn ^^"^s thought of the hands of the boss' lackeys and mak 7S tfc COn £ o1 0Ut instrument to serve the interests of the miners Um ° n * fightins The purpose of the following sketch nf i? Q ™.; + , expose him to the members of 1 £ • farrington's career is to colors so that they maThave Ip iJ ™ M -^ rS Union in his true for forming an opinTon as lo h ™ iT ** *?***? at their dis 0° sal ballots in the app^oacMng election for thT^ ^ * hey cast their the next two years . So nL » ? * , e offlcers of District 12, for head of DtatriS £,' Ju slso^onFllulT and hiS gang remain ^ the make any progress or f unction in h in?^ 088 ? 1 .! f ° r the union to following brief sketch wiU show that pf-? 8 0f . ltS memh *™- The his own nest since he fSt ioine^ thl , • n ^ n « started in to feat her by forming a united front w"th tfe ™T Md ! hat he grew wealthy diggers. l Wlth the coal operators against the coal ^te?ffi V^^dt/hi q ^ nlMCe W " h COal ™»^ in secret ary f Local U„S n 800 but ^'^ ^ d ° WnS " he g0t * ** Jith the union over his carelewne « i T 7 ^ 011 ? me he had trou ble dent did not stagger hi?wfff" ln handIln & the funds. This inci- »™ at a BubHii^c^^ «d BhorUy afterwards we find nvention at LaSalle, where he figured in the proceedings by attacking the sub-district president for ■„ , the funds, because the official in question charged one d q ,f nderi ^ for hotel expense. Today, Farrington charges from four t n I- W , a da >' a day while staying at home. 0U1 to Slx dollars In 1909 Farrington ran for president of the Illinois Mi« t- and was defeated. His friend, John H. Walker ran f or In?^ Lnion President against T. L. Lewis and met the samef'ate Th 5 r ? a J tl0Dal candidates did the next best thing under tS f cfrcumstan^ ° d £ eat «i got a job for Farrington on the payroll of the IllfnoU Stet^' 7 Wa,ker Union ^ Walk6r WSS PlaC6d at the P»P of ^elSboftiS It was about this time that Farrington first blossnma^ . capitalist politician. A certain Judge Hadley was placed \ h T a / * list by the organized workers of Collinsville; Illinofs blcaSse hi ™ Uiv an injunction against the miners in that region Decause he i SSUe d Farrington Defends Injunction The injunction was issued at the request of thf> r,™ i.- „ Company But Farrington issued a circuit, which wa ^JS ?° a! full m The Daily Worker of October 13, Sending 7ud ffe hS^ v!" explaining that the injunction was not against th f rniners wh y h ~ on strike but against the officers of other Toils, reSnl, Z*** SS^TutW^SSffi^ 1 " the -^icai^Z bJS/36; dent'whTr^^ P^^eSilng^a^.^ *' ^^n^^n^l^S total^^O^r^-f 9 !? MS 6XpenSe account reach ed the grand total of $4018.25 while the expenses of. John P. White anrf Pr.A t 5nTo n COmblned "^ ° nly ?3 ' 953 - 63 ' 0r * 64 - 63 le» 4V?hat AJ: 19l/t? ing i° n ' S firSt eSSay in the role of strikebreaker was in the vmv 1913, when he was sent to Vancouver BO to t B fc -wt m . tne / eai l* 8 'A i f iCt HiS '-^-rterswerein Seat Ue and "? ££ Zl „f ft e ^ f y ""^""ted ^ tie International U„o„Ttte « strike, no doubt put him in the good erace, nf f^l ^r • Vancouver a 191 6" "LaSalle Hotel, Chicago, 111. "Ames has not yet returned report of committee on industrial re lahons. Need it for letter I am writing you. Nor have you fu ?fllpH your promise made me while in Chicago week before last It * Ultllled sary that I have remainder of amount agreed to at once so thn? T^' go on with the work of organization. ° that * ma ^ "Frank Farrington" Under pressure, Farrington admitted having- receive ti, but with the aid of John H. Walker who then erfiov^ It th % money of the miners of Illinois, and thru the sprrpf ™ J - 7 w- the confld ence operators who spent money to see ttat fIS,W PUlatl0n ° f the CoaI master faker got away with his graft Famngton was acquitted, the Proof that money was used to' wcn M f>, n n at the special convention, is £ th ^testrrnonv of TTT c° f Farrin ^" ™*. The following is part of ftat1eSSm „y' " ^ ° f Pan " Purchased Support. that Son wL to'beW^^SS? *** ^ QUeSti ° ned and that there was money to be distributed M C T ent i on - They told ™ **ed me if I was willing to make frfend, w5 lt% Farrin ^ ton - They a man wanted to shake hands with me I IZ u- arn " gton - I said if way Then they presented a ten dXr hfl? 7 g V 166 * him half was Farrington's money. I told^h?m T rf£ V m f and told me that rtutf as that but that but they sa d S £ « f ^ ^° accept no su <* not prove where I would be*! friend /fI™" En** 6 * ^ * C0Uld «" y « Tr^tT ^^^ » ^ -e. Then thev the b.U and just what the "ill I„Sed "i?/ " b °° k ' th,i n, "" b« <*> be - -Mated that g any ^^^^..J*^ Lener in a civil court for the recovery of any fine enlW^ i. the miners' union shall be obliged to reimburse the n / th . e °^ r ^r expenses of the litigation. me operator f or the The operators were protected in every wav f™™ «, The January, 1918, convention of the United Mine Wn?u Coal di ^rs. Indianapolis, accepted the Washington Agreement n^ meetin g in the meantime secured an advance of 45 cents per ton in the rf - d in The living costs of the year 1917 were made the haii* f «. wage increase and tho the living costs mounted ranidW L J ^ 1918 creases were made until 1920. *«*piaiy no further in- ^T The living costs of the year 1917 were made the haii* i increase and tho the living costs mounted rapidlv 1 ses were made until 1920. *«*piaiy n< The miners were told that it was unnatriohV f« „ i * wages while soldiers were killing Germans at the ™t« J 8 «.-i r higher a month. Many capitalists were worki^tL wit L a ^_ of „ thl rty dollars The fat war contracts^ welf"' "" SP6nding $250 ' 000 a *onth' The year 1919 witnessed a slump in the coal industrv tv,. was over. The coal barons had made their millions i aS? ™r» w ar a good time. The coal diggers were left suckin thefr thumb S ° T^ labor leaders looked quite prosperous. Only those who SS * the mines and dug the black diamonds had theTrty end of th! Idea? President Farrington, instead of helping 'the miners to seen™ h«*' ter working conditions actually took steps to prevent them TrJt bonuses above the stipulated wage scale. P Tho the war w tended 25 coal diggers found themselves tied up in a decision wWch sal that tho the war m Europe was officially over, as far as the miners we concerned it would not be over until two years after April 1918 The miners were unable to put up with this state of affairs anv longer and the action of the coal operators and the union officials vS the Mooney strike brought the rebellion of 1919 to a head. The Mooney Strike * n ?.V St01 I ° f the infamous conduct of Frank Farrington cannot be tally told in the meager space at my disposal, but if this were his onlv crime against the miners of Illinois and against the labor movement in general it would be enough to damn him in the eyes of all honest trade unionists. The miners who went on strike in an effort to save Mooney from the gallows were fined by the operators and this action was sanctioned by Farrington. When the miners struck against this wrong, Farring- ton got his thugs busy and miners were slugged, arrested and black- listed for the crime of sticking up for their rights as workers and for a member of their class whose life was threatened by the gallows. Farrington declared the Mooney fines were penalties for "their defiance to their accredited leaders." He authorized his official henchmen to hire scabs to break the strike. A miners committee went to Springfield to interview Farrington. • 1 he members of the committee were slugged on Farrington's orders by a month. Many capitalists were working in WasSnnf" 17 dollars 1 * ,-m, a Tack Brown, a boss in the employ of the Peabody Coal the notorious * b Edward (Red) Maher and William Wall, also Company- ( f^ eEe ; red Wa n.» The latter two are candidates for the Son of investigator in this election. After the brutal slugging of the Collinsville delegation the move- t for calling a special convention to kill the automatic fine clauses nient ior ■ ^ gtatg p0 ]j cy committee issued a call for a special Strict convention to be held in Springfield, Illinois, Tuesday, August 13, 1919. While the miners thruout the state had many grievances, they wanted redressed, the action of Farrington's sluggers fired their anger. Deputy sheriffs were appointed from the ranks of the miners who remained loyal to Farrington. Gunmen and criminals of all descrip- tions were organized to terrorize the strikers, charters were revoked and the coal operators on Farrington's suggestion issued orders to the strikers that unless they returned to work their pobs would be for- feited. Here were the bosses and the government working hand in hand with strikebreaker Farrington. Union Strikebreakers It is not surprising that Farrington would consistently sell the miners votes to the government of the state of Illinois. During the stormy days of 1919', hundreds of special deputy sheriffs similar to those "appointed at the request of Gary in the steel strike were ap- pointed by the state and county officials at Farrington's request. These deputies were union strikebreakers and not paid by the county which appointed them. These deputies were paid out of the $27,000 fund of which Farrington refused to give an itemized report until com- pelled to do so by the International convention. Here was the edifying spectacle of Farrington, president of a great labor organization paying officers of a capitalist government to put the members of his own union in jail. Wives of miners were thrown in jail, some of them with babies., at their breasts. The coal operators got busy and hundreds were indicted and held on heavy bail. Then John L. Lewis came to the assistance of Farrington. Accord- ing to the International Constitution of the United Mine Workers of America the International President only has the right to revoke the charters of districts, sub-districts and locals, but Lewis delegated this right to Farrington in the state of Illinois with the result that the latter revoked the charters of 24 locals and made an agreement with the coal operators that none of these who took leading part in the insurgent movement should be employed in the mines. To use Farrington's own words: "It is our understanding that the operators will not pick the ringleaders in the strike, which has crippled the mines ... If any do get positions and are admitted to a local we intend to file charges against them and oust them from the union." * What does Farrington mean by the paragraph : "It is our under- standing that the operators will not pick the ringleaders in the strike, 3K J aS TPu? d ^ e . mines ■ ■ • ■" lt sim P ] y means th e application ol the dreaded blacklist, not only at the instigation of the boss but by Letter the president of the miners union acting in harmony with the coal operators. Farrington and the operators had a common ground for action against the militants in the union. The bosses know that the latter would interfere with their ability to violate contracts at will and Farrington saw in them a standing menace to his position as head of the union which enabled him to graft and sell the miners to the enemy. The breaking of the 1919 strike cost the District treasury the sum of $27,000 for which Farrington refused to give an account until forced to do so by the International convention. At this time Lewis and Far- rington were enemies, so the International Eecutive Board appointed a committee to inquire into the spending of the $27,000 and this com- mittee recommended, after making an investigation that Farrington be compelled to show what he did with the money. Tho Farrington denied having added a single man to the payroll on account of the 1919 strike, secretary treasurer Nesbit admitted to the Executive Board in Indianapolis, that, "I think we had on the pay- roll at the time between four and six hundred men who were going around denying statements those other men were making and persuad- ing men to stay at work." When the itemized report was finally dragged from Farrington. it was shown that the Peabody Coal Company boss, Jack Brown, now employed at Andrews, Illinois, received $320.50, in payment for slug- ging the Collinsville committee on the streets of Springfield, in front of Farrington's hotel. That slugger Jack Brown continued on intimate terms with Far- rington and Fishwick, vice-president of District 12, is shown by a letter and note for $150.00, dated Sept. 1,1 1922 which coincides with the time district officers were nominated for the ensuing two year term. Is it surprising that the funds of District 12, should be rapidly drained out while the man who is paid to look after the interests of the miners squander their money on gunmen, and agents of the coal operators? Farrington's Machine One of the disreputable characters appointed deputy sheriff at Farrington's request during the 1919 strike, is a person by the name of William Lee, a notorious crook and embezzler. Lee and a gentle- man named Bogue another one of Farington's henchman stole §2,500 from the union for burying men who are still living. At that time the district paid a burial fee of $250.00. This man Lee was one of the sluggers and ga'tmen of the Farrington machine during the "outlaw" strike. He was arrested in Bellville and searched. Among the inter- esting articles found on his person, were a gun, a sheriff's badge, and a fake death claim from the district for $250.00, which he had just collected in Farington's office before he went out slugging the strikers. Lee and Bogue were arested for embezzlement but they were re- leased by Farrington's' flunkey, Steve Sullivan, who was Farrington's board member from Springfield. Bogue threatened to tell who made it possible for him to collect on men, who were not dead, unless he was released. He is in Springfield yet and was never compelled to cough up a nickel. Another henchman of Farrington's, one Dominick Teneskv col- lected 51,400 thru the same method and when exposed by Freeman Thompson and John Watt of the Springfield sub-district, he blew into Farrington's office and then took to his heels. He is now in Chicago. These are only a few instances of the manner in which Farrington holds his power by the use of money, the support of the coal operators anc l of the lower order of crooks, like Jack Brown, Lee and the rest of that fraternity. Farrington's about-face in the case of Alexander Hoawt is one of the most disgraceful incidents in his career. The Howat case is well known to the coal miners in general and to the Illinois miners in par- ticular While Howat was in jail for defying the notorious Kansas In- dustrial Court Law. the most useful ally of the Kansas coal operators who were fighting Howat was John L. Lewis who had Howat and hit district committee expelled for fighting Governor Allen. Farrington was fighting Lewis at this time and took advantage of the Howat ease to make things harder for his foe. He afterwards proved that he never had any interest in the Howat fight for the sake of principle. It is interesting in view of the relations between Farrington and John L. Lewis today, to read what the former had to say of the latter as recently as the year 1922. At a special convention of District 2 Oklahoma, held in Muskogee, on May 15, 1922, Farrington defended Howat and made a most bitter attack on John L. Lewis. Space pro- hibits more than a few choice excerpts from this speech. President Wilkinson of the Oklahoma district, charged Farrington with being a disrupter, a charge so frequently levelled today by the labor fakers against the progressives in all the unions. Here is Farrington's reply ■ "My friends I confess here now, before you that if John L Lewis is the International Union, of the United Mine Workers of America then the charge made by Wilkinson is true!" - Again Farrington said: "I am not trying to destroy the Interna- tional Union, but am trying to, destroy John L. Lewis, the man who is doing more to destroy the United Mine Workers of America, than any other man I know of. . and he will not have my support as long as he is using the power of his position to crucify men who won't iumn thru the hoop every time 1 he snaps his fingers and tells them to do it." Forgot His Pledge t Far /iu gt ? n . no doubt had for gotten this pledge when he aided Lewis at the last convention in Indianapolis in crucifying Howat even SrT^ del ,f?r t ?, fr0m District 12 ' exce P t the P a y ro11 brigade were solidly behind the Kansas miner. Farrington was appointed by Lewis, chairman of the scale committee. Even at that Howat thought he but h "did S ° SS t0 g ° baCk ° n him after his many V romises > The retraction made by Farrington of statements he made against J. L. Lewis m 1910, was used by John L. Lewis to show that Farrinr- tons word did not mean anything. Referring to this, Farrington satf HI T, W + G retl ? C i ? 7 as not true ' but that his original state- ments were true, and that he signed the retraction for particulir ii Letter Later in the same speech Farrington admitted making a retraction of his charges' against T. L. Lewis on the request of John H. Walker. "I could sav that vou should support the Kansas Mine Workers," said Farrington." "because I proved that three of John L. Lewis' broth- ers were nothing but petty larceny thieves ; I did that. They were ali members of the Panama local union and for years they were engaged in the profitable, but unwholesome pastime of systematically looting the Panama local union, and it became my duty as president of that district to send auditors into that local union to find out what was go- ing on and thev made their investigation and their audit, and their audit developed the fact that three of John's brothers had been sys- tematically looting the local treasury for a number of years, and that they and others that were employed in it had succeeded in doing so to the extent of something over $3,000. "And as president of that district, it became my duty to force them to make restitution to that local union. And I did it and from that day to this John has not liked me very well. "I don't mind telling you this, too 4 , that there are lots of men in the Panama local union who believe that John's brothers were simply operating under the scheme that John himself established when he was the power in that local union, and before he became your president. I might say this, too, that there seems to be some evidence that the trait runs in the family, because just as soon as John became presi- dent of our International he appropriated for himself 30 per cent more salary than he was entitled to under the law. I am telling you these things in order that you may know that there cannot be any peace or harmony between John L. Lewis and myself, because John L. Lewis has an undying hatred in his heart for the president of the Illinois miners, because it became my duty to expose and to bring to account his three brothers who were system- atically looting the Panama local and he has never forgiven me for it and I don't suppose he ever will." _ Those were harsh words indeed for one official of the L. M. Vv. of A to say of another. No charge made by the progressive miners aeainst John L. Lewis are more serious than those made against Lewis bfFarrington. Yet these two labor agents of the coal operators and the Republican Party have found it possible to bury the hatchet m the body of the United Mine Workers of America which is now bleeding to death over the wounds inflicted on it by these two capitalist, executioners. ' Farrington and Lester During 'the 1922 strike, several strikebreakers lost their lives in Villilmson County. These scabs were employed by Wi ham J. Les W hn secured a permit from Farrington to remove dirt oil his strip ndne Lester wasTot satisfied with digging dirt; he began digging S3 and the sTabs armed to the teeth defied the miners and went Sound the county insulting people. What happened to them is history. John L Lewis, president of the U. M. W. of A charged Farring- toi with having received a round sum of money from Lester for the pSmtt He made other charges against Farrington according to a 12 statement by board member Dobbins to Farrington. The result of these charges was an interesting correspondence between Lewis and Farrington. Only the substance of this correspondence can be given here. Under date of Nov. 2, 1922, Farrington wrote to Lewis, stating that he was informed by board member Dobbins, that Lewis informed the executive board that things in Illinois were corrupt and that a com- pact had been entered into between Farrington and Fishwick and Wil- liam J. Lester for the operation of the latter's strip mine during the strike. Lewis also charged according to Farrington's letter that the go- between m the deal was Robert M. Medill, Director of the Department of Mines and Minerals in Illinois, and that the money was split three ways. In reply Lewis states "that Mr. Dobbins' memory is somewhat in- accurate" and expressed his willingness to discuss the matter at issue personally with Farrington. Serious Charges This evasive reply nettled the latter who replied at great length, winding up by saying that Lewis "had descended to the level of a louse." Among- the charges made by Farrington against Lewis, which he qualified to protect himself are: First: That Lewis got money from the Kansas operators for his fight against Alexander Howat. Second: That Lewis had agreed with the coal operators for a re- duction in wages and that in order to escape responsibility, he decided to call a strike, which should continue until the members of the union called for a settlement even at a reduction in wages. Third: That Lewis and others collected $100,000 from the oper- ators in Kentucky for permission to operate during the strike. Fourth: That instead of borrowing $100,000 from the Harriman Bank of New York Lewis got $750,000 and that three members of the directorate of that bank are operating non-union mines in the Penn- sylvania fields) and that the $650,000 which the public never heard of was kept by Lewis and his, associates on the understanding that the support of the union would be withdrawn from the striking mine- workers in the non-union coal fields of Pennsylvania. Farrington concludes: "Furthermore, considering the fact that you waited until October before levying- a special assessment, which could not be collected until the month of November, and this in face of the fact that the striking mine workers in Pennsylvania had been sending out pitable nation wide appeals for financial assistance even since the general strike was settled during the month of August, and taking into account the fact that Wall Street Banks are -not noted for their union sympathies, the average individual would conclude, (taking circumstantial evidence mto consideration,) that there must be some truth in the story and that you were deliberately conspiring to starve these men in submission." The two labor fakers realized that they were not in a position to continue this game of exposing each other any longer so they decided to bury the hatchet. 13 Letter The progress made by the progressive elements in the trade union movement, under the leadership of William Z. Foster and the Trade Union Educational League was responsible for a tightening of their lines by the reactionaries thruout the country. This was done system- atically. Central labor councils that were in the habit of passing prog- ressive resolutions were called to account and warned to stop such activities, on pain of having their charters lifted. The personal feud between Frank Farrington and John L. Lewis was a source of danger to the reign of the reactionaries in the United Mine Workers of America. Thru intermediaries, both agreed to fight the radicals and conveniently forget the nasty things they had been saying about each other. Farrington suddenly discovered that the progressives were ene- mies of the union despite a; letter he wrote under date of May 5, 1923, complimenting the progressives on the work they were* doing in clean- ing up the corruption in the union. In that letter he also praised Alexander Howat as a loyal union man, saying that his association with the Progressive Miners Committee was because he saw in that effort "the only way he can secure justice for himself and the Kansas mine workers." Yet sixteen days after Farrington wrote this letter we find him writing to John L. Lewis proposing a conference to smooth out the differences between them so that both could put up a united front against the so-called enemies of the union. Farrington's long letter brought a reply from Lewis and the two got together. When thieves fall out it's "not so bad" for honest people, but when crooks get to- gether those who have watches had better keep a tight hold on them. , The result of the deal between the two fakers was, that both stopped calling each other fancy names and settled down to cleaning upon the progressive movement inside the union. Farrington was willing that Lewis should have Howat's head, and Lewis lost all interest in compelling Farrington to account for the $2,000,000 Herein assessment and his many gross violations of the union law. On June second of the same year "Farrington wrote a letter to a member of the union in which he washed his hands off Howat and declared that Alex had "joined forces with the enemies of the union," and at the Indianapolis convention of the U. M. W. of A. in January 1924, Farrington joined with Lewis in refusing Howat a hearing, tho the convention by a two thirds vote went on record for the Kansas mine leader. Ousting of MacDonald Farrington's latest act in his campaign of disruption was to com- pel local 448 of Springfield to drop Duncan MacDonald from member- ' ship. MacDonald was formerly secretary-treasurer of the Illinois Min- ers Union and his loyalty to the interests of the coal diggers won for him the bitter enmity of the operators. With the: aid of Sam Gompers and John P. White, former president of the United Mine Workers of America, Farrington succeeded in getting rid "of MacDonald and put- ting his rubber stamp Walter Nesbit in his place. The ostensible reason for the action against MacDonald was the latter's failure to pay the Herrin assessment. As the records show, 14 MacDonald paid all dues and assessments required of him by the sec- retary of the local, who admitted it was his fault that MacDonald did not pay the Herrin assessment and offered to pay it himself. Farring- ton however wanted to get rid of MacDonald and he compelled the local to drop him. The full story of the arch-fakers quarrel with Mac- Donald is given fully in The Daily Worker of October 31. The progressive miners of District 12, are now calling for a Spe- cial District convention to take up the matter of Duncan MacDonald's expulsion and other problems that affect their interests, which Farring- ton so brazenly ignores. The deal between Farrington and the notorious governor Len Small, who has just been called on by master in chancery Briggle of Sangamon County to tell what happened to the millions he took from the treasury of the state of Illinois, while he was treasurer, is a public matter. Small made the mistake of stealing from the capitalists, 'in- stead of confining himself solely to robbing the workers as the so- called reform capitalists are doing. Small belongs to the semi-under- world of capitalism and the labor fakers are his allies. They are both the enemies of the workers and it is to be hoped that in the forth- coming election in the Illinois Miners Union, the coal diggers will get, rid of the faker Farrington and his henchman. All the power of the coal operators, the Len Small political ma- chine and the Farrington payrollers will be used against them, but if they exert themselves there is no doubt but they can win. The problem confronting the Illinois workers is similar to that facing the members of practically every union in America. Most of the labor leaders are, now bound with a gloden rope to the capitalists. The Trade Union Educational League shows the way, the progressives must follow if they are to rid the union of the- labor fakers, the agents of the bossses. 15 THE DAILY WORKER America's Great Labor Daily reports from day to day the doings of the worker's world as no other paper in the English language can or will. ^ Every reader of this book must read THE DAILY WORKER EVERY DAY SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mail 1 year $6.00 6 months 3.50 3 months 2.00 In Chicago By Mail 1 y ea «- .$8.00 6 months 4.50 3 months 2.50 ] THE DAILY WORKER J 1113 W. Washington .St., ] Chicago, 111. Enclosed please find $ --) J tor months' subscription to j THE DAILY WORKER. I ] ] Street. J Name ..Flat.. [City State., j _y